Strategies for Kamala Harris to Advocate for Education Reform from a Centrist Perspective

Josh Barro highlighted recently that Vice President Kamala Harris is uniquely positioned to face a general election without having firmly established any unpopular stances in a Democratic primary—particularly since her last presidential campaign five years ago. This provides her with the leeway to adopt some centrist positions that could address her vulnerabilities and improve her chances of success. Barro maintained that Harris’s main political drawback is the perception of being overly extreme, but she could pivot toward the center without significant repercussions if she chooses to do so.

Nonetheless, she does not have unrestricted freedom of action. As noted by Matt Yglesias pointed out, left-leaning factions have been less forgiving of their Democratic presidential candidates compared to those on the right:

[Trump’s] “be allowed to do that” score is off the charts. If it’s convenient for him to start saying nicer things about electric cars in exchange for Elon Musk’s money, he does that. If it’s convenient for him to pretend the Republican Party isn’t deeply committed to banning abortion, he does that.

Every progressive I know recognizes that these Trumpian stabs at moderation are good for Trump, and that it’s good for the left to try to expose them as lies. The progressives who recognize that need to see the symmetry here.

Education is a subject that presents opportunities for moderation. Yglesias proposes that Harris could articulate a message akin to “my parents moved to this country because it’s the greatest place on Earth, and I believe my party and our education system should focus on instilling patriotism in children.” This serves as a promising initial step, but there are numerous avenues to explore. She could utilize her address to the American Federation of Teachers (AFT) to demonstrate a willingness to challenge progressive norms.

One conspicuous approach is to address the current issues teachers face regarding classroom management. Following the impact of the pandemic alongside certain reforms advocated in the Black Lives Matter era, many classrooms across America have experienced significant disruptions.

Harris can draw on her prosecutorial background and advocate for enhanced order and discipline in classrooms, particularly emphasizing respect for teachers. She could argue against leniency afforded to students in instances where they disrespect teachers without consequences, a stance taken in certain states and school districts permitting vulgarities directed at educators.

Furthermore, she could endorse the removal of cellphones from classrooms and voice support for implementing stricter measures for chronically absent students, reflecting her previous actions in California where she even prosecuted parents for truancy, a stance she later retreated from. Emphasizing the importance of students’ presence in school and holding parents accountable for ensuring their children’s attendance could differentiate her from the most extreme social justice activists who argue against traditional disciplinary practices reinforcing the “school-to-prison pipeline.”

Classroom discipline is an area where she can align with her teachers’ union base, whose members are grappling with disorder in classrooms and witnessing experienced teachers leave due to violence and disrespect. However, diverging from her union allies on certain issues will be necessary if she intends to establish herself as a distinct type of Democrat from her current superior, given President Biden’s strong pro-union stance, bolstered by First Lady Jill Biden’s affiliation with the National Education Association, a fact highlighted at every opportunity.

How can Harris signal her independence from the unions, especially since both the nation’s largest unions—the NEA and the AFT—have already endorsed her?

One avenue is revisiting a proposal from her 2020 campaign that aimed to increase teacher salaries nationwide. This time, however, a crucial stipulation should be added—requiring teachers to be accountable for enhancing student achievement. For instance, she could advocate for tenure to be earned through merit and demonstrated effectiveness, rather than serving a certain tenure period based solely on longevity.

Lastly, Kamala Harris could express support for public charter schools. Public sentiment, as evidenced by polls, indicates broad parental support for various school choice options, particularly among Black and Hispanic communities. Republicans have capitalized on this issue, garnering support from voters of color.

However, by promoting private school choice for affluent families, Republicans have exposed themselves politically and endorsed publicly funded vouchers for religious schools, which could be interpreted as support for “Christian schools,” causing unease among mainstream voters.

This is why Democratic leaders, from Clinton to Obama, and numerous governors, mayors, congress members, and senators, endorsed public charter schools as a means to support school choice minus the controversial elements of private school choice. Public charter schools have consistently proven their efficacy in enhancing student learning. Even a recent study highlighted their role in significantly increasing college graduation rates.

Harris need not delve deeply into the subject but simply affirm her backing for public schools in all forms, including public charter schools, especially during this critical period of redressing achievement disparities and aiding students in overcoming pandemic-induced learning setbacks. This represents a baseline expectation—yet one that President Biden failed to fulfill.

Vice President Harris may inherently lean towards the typical progressive Californian Democrat, but she has a unique opportunity to shed some political baggage. Demonstrating openness to educational reform stands as one of the potent methods to achieve this transformation.

Michael J. Petrilli is the president of the Thomas B. Fordham Institute, a visiting fellow at Stanford University’s Hoover Institution, and an executive editor of Education Next.

This article was originally published on the Fordham Institute’s Flypaper blog.